Kaiser Wilhelm III
2004-02-16 09:39:46 UTC
Decades of Darkness #51b: A Matter of Democracy
Excerpts from "The 100 Greatest Events That Changed The World"
By Josiah H. Canterbury, Richard Irving and Emily Vasquez
(c) 1950, Vanderbilt Press
New York City: Long Island
Republic of New England
Introduction
"Those who do not study history are doomed to repeat it. Those who do
study it fail mathematics instead."
- Attributed to Lord Percy Kelvin, 1st Prime Minister of Australia
Choosing a defining moment in history is never easy. There are so
many significant events to choose from that assessing the relative
weight of each one can present grave problems. Some events capture
the public imagination more than others. Wars, and the triggers of
wars, are particularly favoured. But how does one choose the decisive
moment? The event which triggered the war is often remembered, but
wars start from multiple causes, and if a particular event had not
happened, some other cause may well have triggered the war.
Similarly, during the course of a war, a particular battle may be
well-remembered, but who is to say that a different result at that
battle might not have been nullified by another battle later.
Consider, for example, Napoleon's victory at Waterloo. Though he
proclaimed it as a significant victory, he was in exile soon
thereafter.
Many other decisive events may pass unnoticed to the public eye, or be
less well-remembered. Johann Gutenberg's invention of movable type is
probably the most significant event of the past millennium, but how
many people today even recognise his name? Social events such as the
invention of contraception or the first country granting female
suffrage are equally important, but often earn less notice.
Perhaps an even greater challenge is selecting the defining event for
a long-term trend. This book focuses on single events, but often
these events are merely one small part of a major pattern. Take the
rise of Germany, first as a united nation, then to the status of a
great power, and eventually to the status of superpower. This is a
historical trend which deserves at least one, perhaps more events to
mark it, but which moments should we choose? The moment when Germany
made the transition from great power status to superpower status is
easy to define when her armed forces managed a feat which had not
been achieved in over eight and a half centuries, and abolished
another nation's ambitions to superpower status and has been given a
suitably high ranking. But there were many steps along that road,
starting with the formation of the German Confederation in 1815, the
first successful combined military operation in 1834, the
establishment of a common legislative structure, the first defeat of
another great power, the unification of the ruling houses, and so on.
Selecting which, if any of these events to include was a difficult
choice
15. U.S. President Jefferson Davis's "Manifest Destiny" Speech, 1859
We have chosen this speech because no other single moment so clearly
marks the rise of American expansionism. When tracing this movement,
it is clear that there are trends which date even to before the United
States became a nation, such as the desire to expand across the
Appalachians. And, to be sure, there was a thread of military
expansionism prevalent in the United States from very early on, as
demonstrated by the War of 1811, the War of 1833 and the First Mexican
War.
Nonetheless, while the same expansionist attitude was demonstrated in
all three wars albeit most successfully in the last instance - it
did not include the same flavour of outright conquest and annexation
which was to mark the United States' later activities. Even when the
First Mexican War was over, the United States still recognised the
Mexican government and negotiated a treaty which, while harsh, left
Mexico a sovereign state and included payment for the territory that
was annexed. Thus, as the defining moment for this trend, we have
chosen the speech by the first U.S. President to preside over the
annexation of a sovereign state [1]
* * *
The Presidential Elections of 1856
From "The Atlas of American Political History"
(c) 1946 By Karl Wundt
Lone Pine Publishing Company
Hammersford [OTL Salem, Oregon], Oregon State
United States of America
Caption:
The 1856 elections represented a three-cornered struggle between the
two dominant parties, the Patriots and the Democrats, and the
fervently anti-immigration Freedom Party. Despite the surprisingly
strong showing of Tennessee Senator John Bell, the Freedom Party made
no significant impact on the elections. Instead, it was the war hero
General Jefferson Davis, born in Kentucky but resident in West
Florida, who put aside his uniform for civilian clothes, and won the
election for the Democrats, the first president from that party since
Jackson. Former vice-president Samuel Houston could not withstand the
steady trend against the Patriots, almost inevitable after so many
years in office, and particularly given Davis's great military
reputation.
Popular Votes Electoral Votes
State Houston Davis Bell Houston Davis Bell
Alabama 16,610 25,352 1,748 0 11 0
Arkansas 5,236 9,490 1,636 0 4 0
Delaware 4,761 3,174 1,984 3 0 0
East Florida 2,770 4,190 142 0 3 0
East Texas 13,778 8,357 452 5 0 0
Georgia 23,067 51,517 2,307 0 17 0
Illinois 31,836 26,176 12,734 12 0 0
Indiana 31,323 24,513 12,257 11 0 0
Iowa 14,441 8,290 4,011 5 0 0
Jackson 1,888 4,080 122 0 3 0
Jefferson 7,938 9,349 353 0 4 0
Kentucky 35,750 55,859 20,109 0 20 0
Louisiana 15,363 16,670 654 0 9 0
Maryland 29,707 25,629 2,912 12 0 0
Mississippi 10,523 19,808 619 0 9 0
Missouri 27,855 29,672 3,028 0 11 0
North Carolina 38,453 36,099 3,924 17 0 0
Ohio 113,336 79,335 34,001 40 0 0
Pennsylvania 107,090 55,457 28,685 34 0 0
South Carolina 13,883 24,196 1,587 0 12 0
Tennessee 48,259 58,131 3,290 0 20 0
Virginia 47,178 75,230 5,100 0 26 0
Washington 16,467 19,395 732 0 7 0
West Florida 12,437 27,281 401 0 10 0
Westylvania 48,181 28,739 7,608 16 0 0
Total 718,130 725,992 150,396 155 166 0
* * *
The Columbia Register
5 March 1857
PRESIDENT DAVIS INAUGURATED
Alert readers of this newspaper will realise that we have taken the
immediate liberty of renaming it, in accordance with the recent name
change announced by President Davis in his inauguration address. As
he stated, "If I have a superstition, sirs, which governs my mind and
holds it
captive, it is a superstitious reverence for the Union. If one can
inherit a sentiment, I may be said to have inherited this from my
revolutionary father. And if I my father were alive today, he would
surely scorn that our nation's glorious capital bears the name of a
trumped-up Yankee from Massachusetts. Let this city rejoice instead
in the name of Columbia, a more fit appellation than its predecessor."
* * *
Excerpts from "Great American Speeches"
(c) 1946 By Peter van Buren,
Bear Flag Publishing Company
Los Angeles, North California
United States of America
President Jefferson Davis's address to Congress after the annexation
of Nicaragua, 1859
"Our forefathers, in the sacred Declaration of independence, stated
that all men are created free and equal. On this basis has been made
recent attack upon our social institutions, and invoked a position of
the equality of the races. But that Declaration is to be construed by
the circumstances and purposes for which it was made. The communities
were declaring their independence; the people of those communities
were asserting that no man was born -- to use the language of Mr.
Jefferson -- booted and spurred, to ride over the rest of mankind;
that men were created equal -- meaning the men of the political
community; that there was no divine right to rule; that no man
inherited the right to govern; that there were no classes by which
power and place descended to families; but that all stations were
equally within the grasp of each member of the body politic.
"These were the great principles they announced; these were the
purposes for which they made their declaration; these were the ends to
which their enunciation was directed. They have no reference to the
slave or the other unfree peoples; else, how happened it that among
the items of arraignment against George III was that he endeavored to
stir up insurrection among our slaves? Had the Declaration announced
that the negroes were free and equal, how was the prince to be
arraigned for raising up insurrection among them? And how was this to
be enumerated among the high crimes which caused the colonies to sever
their connection with the mother-country? When our Constitution was
formed, the same idea was rendered more palpable; for there we find
provision made for that very class of persons as property; they were
not put upon the equality of footing with white men -- not even upon
that of paupers and convicts; but, so far as representation was
concerned, were discriminated against as a lower caste, only to be
represented in the numerical proportion of three-fifths. So stands the
compact which binds us together.
"To this compact we have lately had cause to add a new class; those
who are not yet, but who may become, free. Some have advanced the
claim that here were have abandoned the wisdom of our forefathers who
framed the Constitution. Yet to this I have the simple answer: we are
not abandoning the Constitution, rather, we are extending and
clarifying it. Even our founding fathers proclaimed not two classes
of society - slave and free - but instead, they revealed three: slave,
free, and Indian. To this latter class was accorded neither the class
of slave which is the only just position for the Negro, nor the
freedom which is the fitting status of the white race, but a role in
between. And to this class we have recently seen fit to add others,
where those in our southern territories whose blood is not that of the
white race have instead been granted roles more fitting to their
status. Their role has not yet been universally accepted, but it
shall be.
"For now, gentlemen, we have seen a new path open up for the United
States. We have always been strong; this we have known, despite the
attempts of others of the white race to thwart us. But before us
stretches a new path, shown by the actions of how merely a few members
of the white race, endowed with greater strength than that of the
lesser races of mankind, have been able to fly our beloved Stars and
Stripes over first the jewel of the Caribbean, and now over the former
Nicaragua. God has shown us the path; the route by which the white
race shall take and hold its rightful place above others in the
struggle between races. Let us not forget what He has shown us! It
is the manifest destiny of the United States and the American race to
dominate all of this new world we have been granted, to drive out and
to conquer the lesser races and savages who currently people it. It
is our destiny to grow, to bring these continents into the leadership
of the white race so that they can grow in prominence and in power,
until all of these lands are one nation under God."
* * *
[1] These authors, like many others, do not class Texas as ever being
a sovereign state.
* * *
Thoughts?
Kaiser Wilhelm III
http://decadesofdarkness.alternatehistory.com/
Excerpts from "The 100 Greatest Events That Changed The World"
By Josiah H. Canterbury, Richard Irving and Emily Vasquez
(c) 1950, Vanderbilt Press
New York City: Long Island
Republic of New England
Introduction
"Those who do not study history are doomed to repeat it. Those who do
study it fail mathematics instead."
- Attributed to Lord Percy Kelvin, 1st Prime Minister of Australia
Choosing a defining moment in history is never easy. There are so
many significant events to choose from that assessing the relative
weight of each one can present grave problems. Some events capture
the public imagination more than others. Wars, and the triggers of
wars, are particularly favoured. But how does one choose the decisive
moment? The event which triggered the war is often remembered, but
wars start from multiple causes, and if a particular event had not
happened, some other cause may well have triggered the war.
Similarly, during the course of a war, a particular battle may be
well-remembered, but who is to say that a different result at that
battle might not have been nullified by another battle later.
Consider, for example, Napoleon's victory at Waterloo. Though he
proclaimed it as a significant victory, he was in exile soon
thereafter.
Many other decisive events may pass unnoticed to the public eye, or be
less well-remembered. Johann Gutenberg's invention of movable type is
probably the most significant event of the past millennium, but how
many people today even recognise his name? Social events such as the
invention of contraception or the first country granting female
suffrage are equally important, but often earn less notice.
Perhaps an even greater challenge is selecting the defining event for
a long-term trend. This book focuses on single events, but often
these events are merely one small part of a major pattern. Take the
rise of Germany, first as a united nation, then to the status of a
great power, and eventually to the status of superpower. This is a
historical trend which deserves at least one, perhaps more events to
mark it, but which moments should we choose? The moment when Germany
made the transition from great power status to superpower status is
easy to define when her armed forces managed a feat which had not
been achieved in over eight and a half centuries, and abolished
another nation's ambitions to superpower status and has been given a
suitably high ranking. But there were many steps along that road,
starting with the formation of the German Confederation in 1815, the
first successful combined military operation in 1834, the
establishment of a common legislative structure, the first defeat of
another great power, the unification of the ruling houses, and so on.
Selecting which, if any of these events to include was a difficult
choice
15. U.S. President Jefferson Davis's "Manifest Destiny" Speech, 1859
We have chosen this speech because no other single moment so clearly
marks the rise of American expansionism. When tracing this movement,
it is clear that there are trends which date even to before the United
States became a nation, such as the desire to expand across the
Appalachians. And, to be sure, there was a thread of military
expansionism prevalent in the United States from very early on, as
demonstrated by the War of 1811, the War of 1833 and the First Mexican
War.
Nonetheless, while the same expansionist attitude was demonstrated in
all three wars albeit most successfully in the last instance - it
did not include the same flavour of outright conquest and annexation
which was to mark the United States' later activities. Even when the
First Mexican War was over, the United States still recognised the
Mexican government and negotiated a treaty which, while harsh, left
Mexico a sovereign state and included payment for the territory that
was annexed. Thus, as the defining moment for this trend, we have
chosen the speech by the first U.S. President to preside over the
annexation of a sovereign state [1]
* * *
The Presidential Elections of 1856
From "The Atlas of American Political History"
(c) 1946 By Karl Wundt
Lone Pine Publishing Company
Hammersford [OTL Salem, Oregon], Oregon State
United States of America
Caption:
The 1856 elections represented a three-cornered struggle between the
two dominant parties, the Patriots and the Democrats, and the
fervently anti-immigration Freedom Party. Despite the surprisingly
strong showing of Tennessee Senator John Bell, the Freedom Party made
no significant impact on the elections. Instead, it was the war hero
General Jefferson Davis, born in Kentucky but resident in West
Florida, who put aside his uniform for civilian clothes, and won the
election for the Democrats, the first president from that party since
Jackson. Former vice-president Samuel Houston could not withstand the
steady trend against the Patriots, almost inevitable after so many
years in office, and particularly given Davis's great military
reputation.
Popular Votes Electoral Votes
State Houston Davis Bell Houston Davis Bell
Alabama 16,610 25,352 1,748 0 11 0
Arkansas 5,236 9,490 1,636 0 4 0
Delaware 4,761 3,174 1,984 3 0 0
East Florida 2,770 4,190 142 0 3 0
East Texas 13,778 8,357 452 5 0 0
Georgia 23,067 51,517 2,307 0 17 0
Illinois 31,836 26,176 12,734 12 0 0
Indiana 31,323 24,513 12,257 11 0 0
Iowa 14,441 8,290 4,011 5 0 0
Jackson 1,888 4,080 122 0 3 0
Jefferson 7,938 9,349 353 0 4 0
Kentucky 35,750 55,859 20,109 0 20 0
Louisiana 15,363 16,670 654 0 9 0
Maryland 29,707 25,629 2,912 12 0 0
Mississippi 10,523 19,808 619 0 9 0
Missouri 27,855 29,672 3,028 0 11 0
North Carolina 38,453 36,099 3,924 17 0 0
Ohio 113,336 79,335 34,001 40 0 0
Pennsylvania 107,090 55,457 28,685 34 0 0
South Carolina 13,883 24,196 1,587 0 12 0
Tennessee 48,259 58,131 3,290 0 20 0
Virginia 47,178 75,230 5,100 0 26 0
Washington 16,467 19,395 732 0 7 0
West Florida 12,437 27,281 401 0 10 0
Westylvania 48,181 28,739 7,608 16 0 0
Total 718,130 725,992 150,396 155 166 0
* * *
The Columbia Register
5 March 1857
PRESIDENT DAVIS INAUGURATED
Alert readers of this newspaper will realise that we have taken the
immediate liberty of renaming it, in accordance with the recent name
change announced by President Davis in his inauguration address. As
he stated, "If I have a superstition, sirs, which governs my mind and
holds it
captive, it is a superstitious reverence for the Union. If one can
inherit a sentiment, I may be said to have inherited this from my
revolutionary father. And if I my father were alive today, he would
surely scorn that our nation's glorious capital bears the name of a
trumped-up Yankee from Massachusetts. Let this city rejoice instead
in the name of Columbia, a more fit appellation than its predecessor."
* * *
Excerpts from "Great American Speeches"
(c) 1946 By Peter van Buren,
Bear Flag Publishing Company
Los Angeles, North California
United States of America
President Jefferson Davis's address to Congress after the annexation
of Nicaragua, 1859
"Our forefathers, in the sacred Declaration of independence, stated
that all men are created free and equal. On this basis has been made
recent attack upon our social institutions, and invoked a position of
the equality of the races. But that Declaration is to be construed by
the circumstances and purposes for which it was made. The communities
were declaring their independence; the people of those communities
were asserting that no man was born -- to use the language of Mr.
Jefferson -- booted and spurred, to ride over the rest of mankind;
that men were created equal -- meaning the men of the political
community; that there was no divine right to rule; that no man
inherited the right to govern; that there were no classes by which
power and place descended to families; but that all stations were
equally within the grasp of each member of the body politic.
"These were the great principles they announced; these were the
purposes for which they made their declaration; these were the ends to
which their enunciation was directed. They have no reference to the
slave or the other unfree peoples; else, how happened it that among
the items of arraignment against George III was that he endeavored to
stir up insurrection among our slaves? Had the Declaration announced
that the negroes were free and equal, how was the prince to be
arraigned for raising up insurrection among them? And how was this to
be enumerated among the high crimes which caused the colonies to sever
their connection with the mother-country? When our Constitution was
formed, the same idea was rendered more palpable; for there we find
provision made for that very class of persons as property; they were
not put upon the equality of footing with white men -- not even upon
that of paupers and convicts; but, so far as representation was
concerned, were discriminated against as a lower caste, only to be
represented in the numerical proportion of three-fifths. So stands the
compact which binds us together.
"To this compact we have lately had cause to add a new class; those
who are not yet, but who may become, free. Some have advanced the
claim that here were have abandoned the wisdom of our forefathers who
framed the Constitution. Yet to this I have the simple answer: we are
not abandoning the Constitution, rather, we are extending and
clarifying it. Even our founding fathers proclaimed not two classes
of society - slave and free - but instead, they revealed three: slave,
free, and Indian. To this latter class was accorded neither the class
of slave which is the only just position for the Negro, nor the
freedom which is the fitting status of the white race, but a role in
between. And to this class we have recently seen fit to add others,
where those in our southern territories whose blood is not that of the
white race have instead been granted roles more fitting to their
status. Their role has not yet been universally accepted, but it
shall be.
"For now, gentlemen, we have seen a new path open up for the United
States. We have always been strong; this we have known, despite the
attempts of others of the white race to thwart us. But before us
stretches a new path, shown by the actions of how merely a few members
of the white race, endowed with greater strength than that of the
lesser races of mankind, have been able to fly our beloved Stars and
Stripes over first the jewel of the Caribbean, and now over the former
Nicaragua. God has shown us the path; the route by which the white
race shall take and hold its rightful place above others in the
struggle between races. Let us not forget what He has shown us! It
is the manifest destiny of the United States and the American race to
dominate all of this new world we have been granted, to drive out and
to conquer the lesser races and savages who currently people it. It
is our destiny to grow, to bring these continents into the leadership
of the white race so that they can grow in prominence and in power,
until all of these lands are one nation under God."
* * *
[1] These authors, like many others, do not class Texas as ever being
a sovereign state.
* * *
Thoughts?
Kaiser Wilhelm III
http://decadesofdarkness.alternatehistory.com/